A little over a year ago, Amazon invited cities and states to offer bids for a proposed second headquarters. This set off a mad

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问题     A little over a year ago, Amazon invited cities and states to offer bids for a proposed second headquarters. This set off a mad scramble over who would gain the dubious privilege of paying large subsidies in return for worsened traffic congestion and higher housing prices. (Answer: New York and greater D. C.)
    Over the past generation, America’s regions have experienced a profound economic divergence. Rice metropolitan areas have gotten even richer, attracting ever more of the nation’s fastest growing industries. Meanwhile, small towns and rural areas have been bypassed, forming a sort of economic rump left behind by the knowledge economy.
    Amazon’s headquarters criteria perfectly illustrate the forces behind that divergence. Businesses in the new economy want access to large pools of highly educated workers, which can be found only in big, rich metropolitan areas. And the location decisions of companies like Amazon draw even more high-skill workers to those areas. In other words, there’s a cumulative, self-reinforcing process at work that is, in effect, dividing America into two economics. And this economic division is reflected in political division.
    In 2016, of course, the parts of America that are being left behind voted heavily for Donald Trump. News organizations responded with many, many, many profiles of rural Trump supporters sitting in diners. But this was, it turns out, fighting the last war. Trumpism has turned its growing regions solid red, but the backlash against Trumpism has turned its growing regions solid blue. Some of the reporters interviewing guys in diners should have been talking to college-educated women in places like California’s Orange County, a former ultraconservative stronghold that, come January, will be represented in Congress entirely by Democrats.
    Why have lagging regions turned right while successful regions turned left? It doesn’t seem to be about economic self-interest. True, Trump promised to bring back traditional jobs in manufacturing and coal mining—but that promise was never credible. And the orthodox Republican policy agenda of cutting taxes and shrinking social programs, which is basically what Trump is following in practice, actually hurts lagging regions, which depend a lot on things like food stamps and disability payments, much more than it hurts successful areas. Furthermore, there is little if any support in voting data for the notion that "economic anxiety" drove people to vote for election, what distinguished Trump voters wasn’t financial hardship but "attitudes related to race and ethnicity. "
    Yet these attitudes aren’t divorced from economic change. Even if they’re personally doing well, many voters in lagging regions have a sense of grievance, a feeling that they’re being disrespected by the glittering elites of superstar cities; this sense of grievance all to easily turns in to racial antagonism. Conversely, however, the transformation of the G. O. P. into a white nationalist party alienates voters—even divide becomes a political chasm.
Why does the author say that the attitudes related to race and ethnicity are not entirely divorced from economic change?

选项

答案Because many voters in lagging regions have a sense of grievance, which easily turns into racial antagonism.

解析 事实细节题。根据divorced from economic change定位到第六段第一句。结合第五段these attitudes指对于种族的态度。第六段第一句提到,这种态度并没有脱离经济变化。接着第二句说明原因,很多落后地区的选民也会有一种不满感,他们觉得不被尊重,这种不满情绪很容易变成种族对立。
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