2. 考研
  3. Questions of when, where, how, and with whom children’s riddles [are used] have been addressed in the folkloristic and anthropol

Questions of when, where, how, and with whom children’s riddles [are used] have been addressed in the folkloristic and anthropol

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问题    Questions of when, where, how, and with whom children’s riddles [are used] have been addressed in the folkloristic and anthropological literature, but they have rarely been answered in depth. Prior to the 1960s or so, collecting standards allowed considerable latitude in the recording of contextual and interactional data. Many researchers simply ignored the information. Others sketched out basic parameters, but too often their observations tended toward the obvious and the dominant. For example, researchers have tended to regard community members as a homogeneous group, thereby assuming that whatever was true for adult riddling held e-qually well for children’s. Or, they viewed children themselves as undiversified, thereby bypassing differences in riddling due to youngsters’ ages, or, in urban areas, their ethnic heritage. Especially problematic has been information about settings and interactional events that encourage or inhibit riddling.
   Despite this unevenness in the literature, enough information is retrievable to at least hint at some cross-cultural trends. As the first of these, we can identify two broadly different tracks that communities take with regard to the appropriateness of distinct groups’ engaging in riddling. First, these are groups that treat riddling as an activity open to both adults and children. Among the Anang of Nigeria, for instance, both adults and children may pose and answer riddles. Secondly, and in contrast to groups like the Anang, communities may limit active involvement according to the age (or perhaps, the social status) of the potential participants. In some cases, riddling is seen as an adult prerogative. Though riddles may be posed occasionally to children for specific purposes, such as testing the youngsters’ intelligence, they are not otherwise encouraged to participate. As an alternative to across-the-board restrictions based on age, other communities require children to simply remain silent when riddling occurs in adult social events.
   Within the literature, the most frequently reported occasions of adult-child riddling are those involving pedagogy and leisure-time activity, respectively. In pedagogy riddling, the adult takes on the role of teacher, the child the role of student. The interactions can occur in the home as well as in the school. To take the home environment first: Among the Chamula of Central America, mothers may use riddles in teaching their children to talk. In the Ozark mountains of the United States in the 1930s, some parents regarded "working’ out riddles" as an intellectual discipline for children. They posed riddles to their children in the hope of training the children’s minds. Similar motives appear to have been behind adult-child riddling in other areas of the United States and in Europe. By far, the most frequent reports of pedagogic riddling is used to amuse children while testing their wit and competence in culture-specific values. With respect to pedagogic riddling in the school environment, several curriculum reports have suggested that riddling in the classroom can aid youngsters’ development of perceptual and descriptive skills. Although to my knowledge we have no ethnographic reports of pedagogic riddling within the mainstream classroom, there exists at least one report treating riddle use in formal, non-English language instruction. Diane Roskies studied classroom activities in Kheyder, a Jewish primary school. There, a variety of verbal art forms were applied in the teaching of the [Hebrew] alphabet. As one example of the pedagogic play, the children were encouraged to tell riddles dealing with the shapes of the letters.
   In contrast to pedagogic riddling, leisure-time riddling is pursued as an end in itself. Entertainment is the primary goal. Generally speaking, leisure-time riddling between children and adults develops in the vicinity of the home, when practical obligations are few. Although parents and siblings appear to be children’s most frequent co-participants, youngsters confronted by more distant relatives and other visitors may find that they can use riddling to communicate across the " small-talk barrier. " Of course, it is always possible that this arrangement can backfire. Proud of their "funny, clever" children, parents have been known to encourage the youngsters to "perform" riddles for the parents’ friends.
The phrase "cross-cultural" in the second paragraph primarily serves to______.
选项 A、describe the specific ways in which riddling works in every culture
B、demonstrate the culture-specific nature of riddling around the world
C、emphasize the uneven nature of literature that claims to be universal
D、characterize the universality of certain trails of riddling
答案D
解析 推理判断题。根据cross-cultural定位于第二段第一句。第一段重点分析了谜语的差异性，第二段开头使用了转折词Despite，并在第一句之后概括了两条关于猜谜游戏的总体特点，[D]项中的trails对应第二段第二句的tracks，故为答案。作者并没有强调各文化之间猜谜活动的不同特点，故排除[A]项和[B]项；[C]项是第一句表示舍弃讨论的部分，故排除。
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