首页
外语
计算机
考研
公务员
职业资格
财经
工程
司法
医学
专升本
自考
实用职业技能
登录
外语
On Wednesday, Sept. 23, President Barack Obama used his first-ever address to the U.N. General Assembly to try and reverse the
On Wednesday, Sept. 23, President Barack Obama used his first-ever address to the U.N. General Assembly to try and reverse the
admin
2021-10-13
35
问题
On Wednesday, Sept. 23, President Barack Obama used his first-ever address to the U.N. General Assembly to try and reverse the impression that his ambitious Middle East peace effort had suffered a reversal at the hand of Israel’s hawkish Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu. "I am not naive," Obama told the gathered world leaders. "I know this will be difficult. But all of us must decide whether we are serious about peace or whether we only lend it lip service."
Many a jaded commentator saw Obama’s Tuesday meeting with Netanyahu and Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas as a symbol of surrender to Netanyahu’s refusal of the U.S. demand that Israel halt all construction on land conquered in 1967. Instead, Netanyahu offered a partial and time-limited freeze and appeared to force the President of the United States to back down. For Abbas, the handshake with Netanyahu orchestrated by Obama was viewed as a humiliating climbdown from his refusal to talk to the Israelis until they implemented that settlement freeze.
Netanyahu, briefing the Israeli media after the talks, suggested that the Palestinians had also caved in to his demand for a reopening of talks without preconditions on an agenda the two sides would determine in discussions. But Abbas insisted that any talks would be based on the full range of final-status issues established by previous agreements—Netanyahu has publicly ruled out negotiating on two of those issues, the fate of Palestinian refugees and the status of Jerusalem, which both sides claim as their capital.
Abbas appeared to win Obama’s backing in the U.N. speech, which made clear that the President has not accepted Netanyahu’s position on the precursor issue of a settlement freeze even if he’s decided to move on to the final-status negotiations. "America does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements," the President insisted on Wednesday. That could be read as a response to the damage Obama’s credibility has suffered in the Arab world as a result of being forced by Netanyahu to retreat on the settlement issue, which had been widely viewed as a test of Israel’s peacemaking bona fides and had been a centerpiece of Obama’s Cairo outreach speech in the spring. But there was an even stronger challenge to Netanyahu in Obama’s declared plan to relaunch negotiations "that address the permanent-status issues: security for Israelis and Palestinians; borders, refugees and Jerusalem." He also spoke of the goal of those negotiations as being the establishment of "a viable, independent Palestinian state with contiguous territory that ends the occupation that began in 1967."
While many analysts focused on Tuesday’s meeting as an Obama admission of defeat on settlements, some were more optimistic. Former Israeli peace negotiator Daniel Levy believes that the Administration’s pivot on the issue smartly boxed Netanyahu into a negotiating process the Israeli leader would have preferred to avoid, by turning his own argument against him: if, as Netanyahu insists, settlements should be an issue for negotiation rather than a precondition because their fate will depend on future borders, then why not move straight to final-status negotiations over those borders?
Final-status talks were something Netanyahu had hoped to dodge. Not only does his right-wing coalition government refuse to countenance negotiations over refugees or Jerusalem, but also, the Prime Minister, much of whose political career has been built on resisting the Oslo peace process, has sought to promote incremental improvements in Palestinian life, particularly the economy, over the search for a final two-state agreement. Obama isn’t buying it. According to Israeli accounts of Tuesday’s meeting, the U.S. President "scolded" Netanyahu and Abbas, declaring "We’ve had enough talks. We need to end this conflict. There is a window of opportunity, but it might shut." And according to these reports, Obama insisted that the negotiations will not be started from scratch but will instead be based on the previous agreements established through the Oslo process. In other words, Jerusalem and refugees are on the table, and Israel is expected to show up.
Obama is still talking tough, then, but having watched him climb down from his settlement-freeze demand—and the rebuff from moderate Arab states to the President’s call for them to make tangible gestures toward normalization of ties with Israel—most analysts are waiting to see what actions back his words. Reports from the talks suggest the Administration will summon the two parties to Washington next month for talks under U.S. auspices on the full gamut of final-status issues. But Netanyahu may have his own ideas and may be buoyed by his success in resisting the settlement-freeze demand. Indeed, the Israeli Prime Minister’s domestic popularity has surged as a result of his defiance of Obama. Abbas, however, who had already been reduced to an increasingly marginal figure by the failure of his negotiating efforts over the past decade to win any significant gains for the Palestinians, suffered further political damage by even showing up for the handshake.
But even the relatively hawkish Israeli commentator Shmuel Rosner warns that "Israel should restrain itself from declaring victory just yet. True, Obama had to draw down his overeager demands from Israel. But it is also true that Netanyahu, not long ago, had to reverse his opposition to a two-state solution and publicly declare that his goal is similar to the one espoused today by Obama. True, Abbas was dragged to the summit only days after insisting that he will not come to any meeting unless settlement construction is frozen first. But it is also true that Netanyahu, the head of the right-wing Likud Party, is one of the first Israeli Prime Ministers to agree to some form of settlement freeze."
What cannot be inferred from Obama’s UN speech?
选项
A、Obama accepted Netanyahu’s position of the settlement issue.
B、Obama did not admit his defeat on Israeli settlement.
C、Obama tried to redeem his profile in Mideast issues.
D、Obama was determined in his Mideast-Peace effort.
答案
A
解析
推断题。由第四段可知,周三联合国演讲表明,奥巴马不接受内塔尼亚胡在定居点问题上的立场。
转载请注明原文地址:https://jikaoti.com/ti/fCkMFFFM
0
专业英语八级
相关试题推荐
PASSAGEONEWhatcanreducethecitizens’emotionalresponseaftertheterroristattack?
(1)Saintsshouldalwaysbejudgedguiltyuntiltheyareprovedinnocent,buttheteststhathavetobeappliedtothemarenot,
PASSAGETHREEWhydoesTNTprovideemergencyhelpandknowledgetransfer?
(1)OnJuly7th,IwastravelinginLondon.IwashavingbreakfastatahotelverynearLiverpoolStreetStationwhenthefirste
Wouldyoubeshockedtofindoutanaverageof18peopledieeverydayduetotheshortageofavailableorgandonors?Duetothe
PASSAGEFOURWhathadMr.SaintalwaysworkedasbythetimehesetupshopinParisunderhisownname?
Thewordconservationhasathriftymeaning.Toconserveistosaveandprotect,toleavewhatweourselvesenjoyinsuchgoodc
A、Neitherofthemacceptsanyairwayletters.B、Theybothdelivermailstotheaddresseeinperson.C、BothrequirethattheAdvi
DevelopinganAdvertisingCampaignGenerallyspeaking,fourmajorstepsareinvolvedinthedevelopmentofanadvertisingca
ModelsforArgumentsI.ThreemodelsforargumentsA.thefirstmodelforarguingiscalled【T1】______:【T1】______—argumentsar
随机试题
下列描述与巴比妥类镇静催眠药物性质不相符的是
风湿痹痛,兼有肝肾不足的最佳选药是
15岁女孩,12岁月经初潮后,月经一直不规律,经常出血一个月不停止,有血块,伴头晕、乏力,此次已出血40天,量仍多,下述不恰当的处理是
患者可以一次就诊就能完成的重衬方法是
论述危重疾病的“十怪脉”的医家是
工业炉砌筑工程应于炉子基础、炉体骨架结构和有关设备安装经检查合格并签订()后,才可进行施工。按照基本建设施工程序,在工序间交接时,对上一工序的建筑结构工程和隐蔽工程要及时进行质量的检查验收并办理()。
以下不适用专属管辖的案件是()。
某次讨论会共有18名参与者。已知:(1)至少有5名青年教师是女性。(2)至少有6名女教师已过中年。(3)至少有7名女青年是教师。根据上述信息,关于参会人员可以得出以下哪项?()
联系园林建筑或观赏景点之间的长条状建筑物,起到一种半室内半室外的“过渡空间”的建筑是()。
随着人类改造自然能力的不断增强,人类对地球家园造成的破坏性影响也越来越严重,人们通过“地球日”“地球一小时”等活动唤醒公众的环保意识,是因为()
最新回复
(
0
)