2. 外语

(1) "The elephant chart" began life in 2012, hidden in the middle of a World Bank working paper by Branko Milanovic, an authorit

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问题     (1) "The elephant chart" began life in 2012, hidden in the middle of a World Bank working paper by Branko Milanovic, an authority on global inequality. It turned a few heads in the New York Times in 2014, then graced Mr. Milanovic’s well-received book on global inequality earlier this year. Somewhere along the way it acquired its name, which helped it stampede across social media, brokers’ notes and even a ministerial speech this spring and summer. "I’m about to bring an elephant into the room. A wild, angry, and dangerous elephant, " joked Lilianne Ploumen, the Dutch trade minister, last month, before unveiling the chart to her audience. Now, its critics are trying to shoot it.
    (2) The distinctively shaped chart summarized the results of a huge number of household surveys across the world. It was created by ranking the world’s population, from the poorest 10％ to the richest 1％, in 1988 and again in 2008. At each rank, the chart showed the growth in income between these two years, an era of "high globalization" from the fall of the Berlin Wall to the fall of Lehman Brothers.
    (3) When drawn for individual countries, charts of this kind tend to slant upwards (the rich gain more than the poor) or downwards. The global chart was unusual in sloping up, down, then upwards again, like an inverted S on its back, or an elephant raising its trunk. The chart showed big income gains at the middle and very top. But the era of globalization seemed to offer little for the people in between: households in the 75th to 85th percentile of the income distribution seemed scarcely better off in 2008 than they had been 20 years before. They constituted a decile of discontent, squeezed between their own countries’ plutocrats and Asia’s middle class. This dramatic dip in the chart seemed to explain a lot.
    (4) But who exactly occupies this dangerous decile? A report this week by Adam Corlett of the Resolution Foundation, a British think-tank, examines this group more closely, taking aim at some simplistic interpretations of the chart. Many people assume the chart shows how people in this controversial income bracket back in 1988 fared over the subsequent 20 years. But that is not quite the case. Instead it compares the people in this bracket in 1988 with people in the same bracket 20 years later. They may not be the same people. They may not belong to the same class. They may not even belong to the same country.
    (5) What accounts for the changing constituents of each income bracket? Fast growth will, of course, carry people up the income ranks. Data, dissolution and demography also play a part. The countries included in the 1988 and 2008 rankings differ because data did not exist for both years or because the country did not. In addition, faster population growth among people in the lower reaches of the income distribution will automatically shunt everyone above them further up the income ranks, even without any improvement in their fortunes.
    (6) To see why, imagine a simple world populated by 750m poor Southerners and 250m rich Northerners. Imagine that incomes do not change over the next 20 years, but the South’s population doubles. That would increase its share of mankind from 75％ to over 85％. For that simple reason, in the 75th to 85th percentiles of the global income distribution poor Southerners would replace rich Northerners. Any comparison of this income bracket with the same bracket 20 years before would thus show a big decline in fortunes, even though no one is worse off.
    (7) This will not be new to readers of Mr. Milanovic’s academic work. He and his co-author, Christoph Lakner, were quite clear about the shifting composition of the troublesome deciles. Their journal article also included an alternative chart, which does what many people assumed the elephant chart had done: it illustrates how each income group in each country in 1988 fared over the subsequent 20 years. In its shape, the chart looks recognizably elephantine. But the top 1％ do markedly less well in this alternative chart than in the more famous one, and even the worst performing groups boast income growth of 20％ or more over 20 years.
    (8) Both charts show that the world’s rich has gained handsomely in the era of globalization. It also remains true that the lower middle classes in rich countries have fared less well. The elephant shape remains, even if its dimensions are different. But it clarified a misunderstanding shared by many of the pundits and drumbeaters who made such a noise about the rampaging chart. Like the elephant George Orwell described in a famous essay about his time as a colonial policeman in Burma, this one was shot chiefly to silence a crowd. (本文选自 The Economist)
It is indicated in the last paragraph that________.
选项 A、wealth disparity has expanded over the 20 years
B、the middle class has lost ground in globalization
C、people are making a fuss about the chart
D、we should shoot the elephant as Orwell did before
答案C
解析 推断题。作者在倒数第二段分析了另一个备选图表和“象形图表”之间的差别。最后一段指出，澄清人们对“象形图表”的误解，正如奥威尔的散文中所描写的射杀大象一样，主要是为了让人群安静下来，可见作者认为之前人们对这个图表的反应太大了，因此C为答案。最后一段只说到富人收益良多，而富裕国家的中低收入人群表现稍差，不能据此说贫富差距加大，故排除A；本段第二句虽然说富裕国家的中低收入阶层表现稍差，但是不能因此一概而论，说中产阶级在全球化当中失去阵地，故排除B；作者在文末提到奥威尔射杀大象一文，是为了进行类比说明，不能只理解字面意思，故排除D。
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